Anatomy of a Strike: The Human Cost of Operation Metro Surge in Minnesota

Minnesota's state bird, the common loon, stylized into a Rebel Alliance graphic by reddit user feral_user_ (Public Domain)

1. Introduction: The Siege of the North Star State

In the depths of January 2026, the state of Minnesota—a region historically defined by its civic endurance and progressive social infrastructure—found itself the epicenter of a profound constitutional and social crisis. The convergence of a federal immigration crackdown of unprecedented scale, the extrajudicial killing of a community activist by federal agents, and a subsequent battle over state sovereignty precipitated a level of civil unrest not seen in the Upper Midwest since the labor wars of the 1930s.

The atmosphere in the Twin Cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul during the weeks leading up to January 23 was described by residents and local officials alike as a state of siege.¹ Following the inauguration of President Donald Trump for a second term, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) initiated "Operation Metro Surge," a massive deployment of federal law enforcement personnel into the metro area. Ostensibly designed to dismantle fraud networks and apprehend violent offenders, the operation manifested as a militarized occupation of urban neighborhoods, characterized by checkpoints, surveillance drones, and the omnipresence of tactical units from the U.S. Border Patrol and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).²

The tension inherent in this federal occupation snapped on the morning of January 7, 2026, when Renee Nicole Good, a 37-year-old poet, mother, and legal observer, was shot and killed by an ICE agent in South Minneapolis.³ The killing, captured on video and fiercely contested by federal authorities, transformed simmering resentment into a coordinated resistance movement. Drawing upon the state’s deep-seated history of labor militancy, a broad coalition of labor unions, faith organizations, and community groups issued a call for a statewide "economic blackout" and general strike on Friday, January 23, 2026.¹

This report provides an exhaustive analysis of the causes and events leading to this historic mobilization. It examines the strategic logic of the federal surge, the forensic and human details of the Renee Good shooting, the legal and political warfare between the Trump administration and Minnesota’s Democratic leadership, and the complex mechanics of organizing a general strike in the twenty-first century.

2. The Context of Federal Intervention: Operation Metro Surge

To understand the volatility of the situation in January 2026, one must first dissect the operational and political anatomy of "Operation Metro Surge." This initiative was not merely a routine law enforcement exercise but a strategic projection of federal power designed to reshape the demographics and political autonomy of a specific American state.

2.1 Strategic Objectives and Deployment

Launched in December 2025, Operation Metro Surge represented the largest single immigration enforcement operation in the history of the Department of Homeland Security.⁴ Administration officials justified the surge as a necessary intervention to restore law and order in a jurisdiction they labeled a "sanctuary" for criminal activity. The operation involved the deployment of approximately 3,000 federal agents to the Twin Cities, a force multiplier that significantly altered the balance of power on the ground.²

To put this deployment in perspective, the Minneapolis Police Department, which is responsible for primary law enforcement duties in the city, operates with a sworn force of approximately 600 to 800 officers. The influx of 3,000 federal agents meant that federal personnel outnumbered local police by a ratio of roughly four or five to one. This overwhelming presence allowed for a saturation of surveillance and enforcement that penetrated deep into the fabric of daily life, from grocery store parking lots to school drop-off zones.²

The personnel deployed included not only standard ICE Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) officers but also elite tactical units such as the Border Patrol Tactical Unit (BORTAC), which are typically trained for high-risk operations in border environments rather than interior policing.² This militarization of the enforcement force contributed to the immediate escalation of tensions with the local population.

2.2 The "Feeding Our Future" Pretext and the Weaponization of Fraud

A critical component of the administration's justification for Operation Metro Surge was the "Feeding Our Future" scandal. This fraud scheme, which unraveled between 2020 and 2022, involved the theft of hundreds of millions of dollars in federal child nutrition funds during the COVID-19 pandemic. Because a significant number of the defendants indicted in the scheme were of Somali descent, the Trump administration explicitly linked the fraud investigation to its broader immigration enforcement agenda.⁵

Senior policy advisors, including Stephen Miller, utilized the scandal to construct a narrative that conflated the Somali community—and Minnesota’s immigrant population more broadly—with criminal syndicates.⁶ Rhetoric from the White House frequently employed dehumanizing language; the President referred to Somali immigrants as "garbage" and threatened to revoke the Temporary Protected Status (TPS) of Somali migrants residing in the state.⁷ This racialization of the fraud investigation served a dual purpose: it provided a pretext for the massive federal deployment under the guise of fiscal accountability, and it signaled a political attack on Minnesota’s multicultural social fabric.

By January 2026, the administration claimed that the surge was targeting the "worst of the worst"—criminal aliens with violent records who had been shielded by local sanctuary policies. On January 20, DHS released a list of arrested individuals to substantiate this claim, highlighting suspects with convictions for murder and sexual assault.⁸ However, independent analysis by local media revealed significant discrepancies in this narrative.

Table 1: Analysis of DHS "Worst of the Worst" Arrest Claims (January 2026)

Claimed Profile	DHS Narrative	Independent Findings (Star Tribune Analysis)
Target Population	"Violent assailants, domestic abusers, drug traffickers" roaming Minneapolis streets.	~25% of the "worst" list were already incarcerated in federal prisons in MN for crimes committed elsewhere, having never lived in the community.9
Arrest Justification	Apprehending fugitives shielded by sanctuary laws.	Most listed individuals had already served their state sentences and were not actively sought by local police.9
Criminal History	100% violent criminal history implied.	A significant portion of detainees had no criminal history in Minnesota beyond immigration violations or minor traffic offenses.9

This data suggested that while the operation did apprehend some offenders with serious records, a vast proportion of its activity was directed at non-criminal undocumented residents and their families, contradicting the "public safety" justification and reinforcing the community's perception of the surge as an act of collective punishment.¹⁰

2.3 Racial Profiling and Civil Rights Violations

The operational tactics of the surge drew immediate legal scrutiny. Civil rights organizations and the Minnesota Attorney General’s office documented a pattern of warrantless stops and seizures that appeared to be based on racial profiling rather than probable cause.

One prominent case involved Mubashir Khalif Hussen, a 20-year-old U.S. citizen of Somali descent. On December 10, 2025, Hussen was walking to lunch in the Cedar-Riverside neighborhood—a hub of the Somali community—when he was intercepted by masked ICE agents. Despite repeatedly identifying himself as a citizen and offering to show identification, he was tackled, placed in a chokehold, shackled, and detained for hours before being released without charge.⁷

Such incidents were not isolated. Reports surfaced of agents entering churches during services, conducting enforcement actions at schools, and using chemical irritants in residential areas, including one instance where a tear gas canister was allegedly detonated under a vehicle containing a family returning from basketball practice, knocking an infant unconscious.¹¹ These tactics created a pervasive climate of fear, leading many residents to avoid leaving their homes for essential activities like medical appointments or grocery shopping.¹²

3. The Flashpoint: The Death of Renee Nicole Good

If Operation Metro Surge provided the combustible material for a crisis, the killing of Renee Nicole Good was the spark that ignited it. The death of a white, U.S.-citizen activist at the hands of federal agents fundamentally altered the psychological and political landscape of the conflict, bridging the divide between immigrant communities and the broader Minnesotan public.

3.1 The Victim and the Mission

Renee Nicole Good, 37, was a figure well-known in the Minneapolis activist community. A poet and mother of three, she was described by friends and family as a dedicated advocate who spent her time "writing, reading, or talking about writing" and making "messy art".¹³ On the morning of Wednesday, January 7, 2026, Good and her wife, Rebecca, had just dropped their six-year-old son off at school.

Good was active in community defense networks—informal groups of residents who monitored ICE activity to document abuses and warn neighbors of enforcement actions. Encountering a large ICE operation near her home in South Minneapolis, Good pulled her Honda SUV over to observe the agents.¹⁴ This practice, known as "copwatching" or legal observation, is a constitutionally protected activity intended to ensure law enforcement accountability.

3.2 The Incident: 9:37 A.M. on Portland Avenue

The sequence of events that led to Good's death was reconstructed through witness testimony, bystander video, and forensic analysis. According to these sources, Good positioned her vehicle across a street several blocks from her residence to observe the agents. The situation escalated rapidly when ICE officers, part of the aggressive "surge" deployment, approached her vehicle with weapons drawn, ordering her to exit.¹⁴

Video footage from multiple angles contradicts the initial official accounts provided by DHS. While federal officials later claimed that Good was a "domestic terrorist" who attempted to use her vehicle as a weapon against an agent, the video shows a different narrative. The footage depicts Good reversing her vehicle and then turning the steering wheel to the right, maneuvering the car away from the officers in an apparent attempt to flee the confrontation.¹⁴

As the vehicle moved forward, steering away from the agents, ICE Agent Jonathan Ross, who was standing near the front of the car, fired three shots. He fired through the windshield and the open driver’s side window as the car passed him.¹⁴ The vehicle then crashed into a pole a short distance away.

3.3 Forensic Evidence and the Question of Self-Defense

The medical and forensic evidence collected in the aftermath of the shooting became a central point of contention. Paramedics from the Minneapolis Fire Department arrived at 9:42 a.m. to find Good unresponsive in the driver's seat with significant trauma.¹⁵

A preliminary private autopsy, commissioned by the Good family and released by their legal counsel, provided specific details about the gunshot wounds that challenged the self-defense narrative. Good sustained three gunshot wounds:

1. Left Forearm: A bullet passed through her arm, consistent with a defensive posture or hands on the steering wheel.

2. Right Breast: A bullet entered and exited the chest area.

3. Head: A fatal round entered the left side of her head near the temple and exited the other side.¹⁴

The trajectory of the head wound—entering from the side—strongly corroborated the video evidence that the shots were fired as the vehicle was passing the agent or turning away, rather than driving directly at him. If the vehicle had been driving straight at the agent in a manner that threatened his life, the ballistics would likely show frontal entry wounds. The side entry suggested that the lethal force was applied when the immediate threat of being run over, if it ever existed, had passed.¹⁶

3.4 The Official Narrative vs. Public Outrage

The federal government’s response to the killing was immediate, combative, and polarizing. The White House and DHS unified behind a narrative that demonized Good. President Trump characterized her as "very violent" and "very radical," while Vice President J.D. Vance dismissed her as "brainwashed".¹⁷ DHS officials maintained that Agent Ross acted in strict self-defense, claiming he suffered "internal bleeding to the torso" from being struck by the vehicle, although no medical records or evidence of these injuries were released to the public.¹⁸

The Department of Justice (DOJ) refused to open a criminal investigation into Agent Ross, hastily declaring the shooting justified.¹⁹ This decision stood in stark contrast to the DOJ's rapid intervention in the murder of George Floyd in the same city six years prior, reinforcing the perception among residents that the federal government was shielding its agents from accountability.²⁰

The disconnect between the official "terrorist" narrative and the community’s knowledge of Good as a nonviolent poet and mother fueled a firestorm of outrage. Vigils were held at the site of the shooting, and the chant "Justice for Renee Good" became the rallying cry for the subsequent mobilization.¹³

4. The Political Firestorm: Federal Authority vs. State Sovereignty

The killing of Renee Good transformed a law enforcement controversy into a high-stakes constitutional battle between the State of Minnesota and the Federal Government. The relationship between the Trump White House and Minnesota’s Democratic leadership—Governor Tim Walz, Attorney General Keith Ellison, and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey—deteriorated into open legal and political warfare.

4.1 The DOJ Subpoenas and Political Intimidation

In a move that legal scholars described as without recent precedent, the U.S. Department of Justice weaponized its investigative powers against state officials. In mid-January, the DOJ issued subpoenas to Governor Walz, Mayor Frey, and other local leaders, investigating them for "conspiracy to impede federal law enforcement".²¹

The investigation focused on public statements made by these officials that criticized ICE tactics and informed residents of their rights. The administration argued that such rhetoric created a "climate of hostility" that endangered federal agents.²² Governor Walz publicly condemned the investigation as a "bullying tactic" and an authoritarian attempt to criminalize political dissent.²³ The subpoenas were viewed by the state leadership as an attempt to silence the only layer of government protecting residents from federal overreach.

4.2 The "Sanctuary" Debate and the Tenth Amendment

The conflict reignited the national debate over "sanctuary" jurisdictions. While Minnesota does not have a formal "sanctuary state" law, it has policies restricting local law enforcement from acting as de facto immigration agents.²⁴ The Trump administration viewed this non-cooperation as active resistance.

Attorney General Pam Bondi sent threatening letters to Minnesota officials, demanding compliance with federal detainers and access to local jails. The administration argued that by refusing to hold individuals for ICE, Minnesota was releasing dangerous criminals into the community.²² Conversely, Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison argued that enforcing federal immigration law is a federal responsibility and that the federal government cannot "commandeer" state resources for its own purposes, a principle protected by the Tenth Amendment.²²

4.3 Litigation: Minnesota v. DHS

In response to the surge, Attorney General Ellison, joined by the cities of Minneapolis and St. Paul, filed a lawsuit against the Department of Homeland Security.²⁵ The suit alleged that Operation Metro Surge violated the Administrative Procedure Act (APA) and the U.S. Constitution.

Key arguments in the lawsuit included:

• Fourth Amendment Violations: The suit cited the pattern of warrantless stops and seizures, particularly of U.S. citizens, as evidence of systemic constitutional violations.⁷

• First Amendment Retaliation: The state argued that the operation was targeted specifically at Minnesota due to its political alignment, using law enforcement as a tool of political punishment against a state that voted against the President.²⁶

While a federal district judge initially issued an injunction limiting ICE’s ability to use force against peaceful protesters, the 8th Circuit Court of Appeals—viewed as more conservative—granted an administrative stay, temporarily lifting those restrictions and handing a tactical victory to the administration just days before the planned strike.²⁷

5. The Mobilization: Building the General Strike

As legal avenues stalled and the violence on the streets escalated, civil society groups began to organize a mass response. The concept of a "general strike"—a coordinated stoppage of work across multiple industries—is rare in American history, yet the severity of the crisis in Minnesota made it a viable option for labor and community leaders.

5.1 From Protest to Economic Blackout

The idea for a general strike emerged from the grassroots. Following the January 7 shooting, protests occurred daily, but organizers felt that traditional marches were insufficient to halt the federal machinery. The call for a "Day of Truth and Freedom" on January 23 was formulated as an escalation: if the government would not listen to the people's voices, it would be forced to listen to their economic silence.¹

The strategy was branded as an "economic blackout": "No Work. No School. No Shopping." This framing allowed for broad participation beyond just unionized workers. It invited small business owners, students, retirees, and unorganized workers to participate by simply withdrawing from the economy for 24 hours.¹

5.2 The Coalition: "ICE Out of Minnesota"

The coalition driving this movement was notable for its diversity and the depth of institutional support it garnered. It represented a convergence of three pillars of Minnesotan civil society: labor, faith, and community organizations.

Table 2: Key Organizations in the "ICE Out of Minnesota" Coalition

Sector	Key Organizations	Role in Strike
Labor Unions	SEIU Local 26 (Service), Minneapolis Federation of Educators (MFE), UNITE HERE Local 17 (Hospitality), CWA Local 7250, Minnesota Nurses Association (MNA).	Mobilizing members to take leave; providing legal defense funds; organizing "peacekeeper" teams.
Faith Groups	ISAIAH (Interfaith coalition), Muslim American Society of MN, Lutheran Church of the Redeemer.	Framing the strike as a moral imperative; offering churches as sanctuaries; mobilizing congregants.
Community	MIRAC (MN Immigrant Rights Action Committee), CTUL (Centro de Trabajadores Unidos en la Lucha), OutFront MN.	Grassroots organizing in immigrant neighborhoods; direct action coordination.

5.3 The Demands

The strikers articulated a clear set of demands directed at both the federal government and local corporate power structures ³:

1. Immediate Expulsion of ICE: A complete withdrawal of federal agents from Minnesota.

2. Justice for Renee Good: A criminal investigation into Agent Jonathan Ross and accountability for his chain of command.

3. Defunding: A demand that Congress deny any additional funding for ICE in the upcoming budget.

4. End to Corporate Complicity: A call for Minnesota-based corporations (Target, Delta, etc.) to become "4th Amendment Businesses," refusing to allow ICE on their property without a judicial warrant.²⁸

6. Legal and Labor Dynamics: The Mechanics of a Modern Strike

Calling for a general strike in the United States involves navigating a minefield of labor laws that restrict political strikes. The organizers of the January 23 action had to thread a needle between maximizing disruption and protecting workers from legal retaliation.

6.1 The Legality of Political Strikes

Under the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) and the Taft-Hartley Act, strikes for "political" purposes—rather than for economic gains related to a specific contract—are generally not protected activities. This means that private-sector workers striking against government policy could legally be fired by their employers for "abandonment of job".²⁹

For public sector employees in Minnesota, the restrictions are even tighter. The Public Employment Labor Relations Act (PELRA) generally prohibits strikes by public employees except under very specific impasse conditions during contract negotiations.³⁰ A sympathy strike or a political walkout could lead to termination and the loss of tenure for teachers and other civil servants. Section 179A.19 of the Minnesota Statutes explicitly states that public employees who strike illegally may have their employment terminated.³⁰

6.2 Union Strategy: The "Day of Action" Framework

To mitigate these risks, union leadership adopted a nuanced strategy. Instead of issuing a formal "strike order" which could violate "no-strike" clauses in contracts, unions like the Minnesota AFL-CIO and SEIU "encouraged participation" but left the specific method of action up to individuals.³

• Using Leave: Workers were advised to take personal days, vacation time, or unpaid leave if possible, rather than walking off the job in a way that would constitute a wildcat strike.

• "Essential" Workers: For those who could not strike (e.g., nurses, bus drivers), unions organized alternative actions. The Minnesota Nurses Association (MNA) encouraged members to wear buttons or join the afternoon rally if off-duty, rather than compromising patient care.³¹

• External Solidarity: Unions emphasized that the "blackout" on shopping was a safe way for anyone to participate without risking employment.

This approach drew criticism from some radical factions and socialist groups, who argued that union bureaucracy was "containing" the militancy of the rank-and-file by refusing to call for a true, defy-the-law general strike.²⁹ However, organizers argued that this strategy allowed for maximum participation while preserving the organizational infrastructure needed for a sustained fight.

7. The Economic Battlefield: Small Business vs. Corporate Giants

The "economic blackout" strategy targeted the financial arteries of the state to force a political resolution. The strike revealed a stark divide between the local small business community and the state’s multinational corporate giants.

7.1 Small Business Solidarity and Survival

For small businesses, the decision to close was fraught with economic peril. The restaurant industry, already operating on thin margins, faced the loss of a Friday's revenue. The Travail Collective, a restaurant group, estimated a $100,000 loss from the closure.³² Yet, many owners viewed participation as unavoidable.

The "siege" had already depressed the local economy; customers were afraid to leave their homes, and delivery drivers were avoiding neighborhoods with heavy ICE presence.³³ Business owners along Lake Street—a corridor rebuilt after the 2020 unrest—reported revenue drops of 50-100% due to the federal occupation.³² Closing was framed as an investment in community safety—a "nonviolent pause" to reset the conditions necessary for commerce to function.³²

Over 300 businesses pledged to close, including major cultural institutions like the Walker Art Center and the Minneapolis Institute of Art.³⁴ The Wedge Co-op and Seward Community Co-op announced they would close but pay staff for the day, modeling a form of economic solidarity.³

7.2 The Corporate Giants: Target and Delta

Minnesota is home to major multinational corporations, including Target, Best Buy, 3M, and General Mills. Activists focused intense pressure on these entities, particularly Target Corporation. Reports had surfaced of ICE agents using Target parking lots as staging grounds and detaining employees inside stores.³⁵

Activists demanded that these corporations become "4th Amendment Businesses," denying ICE access to private property without a judicial warrant. However, these corporations remained largely silent. Target Corporation declined to comment on the requests or the arrests occurring on its properties.²⁸ The strike organizers argued that these companies had the political capital to demand an end to the surge but were choosing complicity over community protection. This silence became a focal point of the protests, with demonstrations planned at corporate headquarters.

8. Historical Echoes: The Shadow of 1934

The discourse surrounding the January 23 action was heavily informed by history. Organizers and historians drew direct parallels between the 2026 mobilization and the Minneapolis Teamsters Strike of 1934, a seminal event in U.S. labor history that transformed Minneapolis from a non-union citadel into a stronghold of labor power.

8.1 The Legacy of 1934

In 1934, Teamsters Local 574, led by socialist organizers including the Dunne brothers, launched a strike that effectively shut down the city's trucking industry. The strike was characterized by open street battles between workers and the police (who were supported by the "Citizens Alliance," a powerful employer association). The conflict culminated on "Bloody Friday" (July 20, 1934), when police opened fire on unarmed strikers, killing two and injuring 67.³⁶ The strike eventually resulted in a victory that established industrial unionism in the city.

8.2 Comparing 1934 and 2026

The invocation of 1934 served to legitimize the 2026 strike, framing it within a lineage of heroic resistance. However, historians noted critical differences between the two movements.

Table 3: Comparative Analysis of the 1934 and 2026 Strikes

Feature	1934 Teamsters Strike	2026 "ICE Out" General Strike
Primary Adversary	The Citizens Alliance (Private Employers)	The Federal Government (DHS/ICE)
Core Demand	Union Recognition & Wages	Removal of Federal Agents & Civil Rights
Catalyst for Escalation	Police shooting of strikers ("Bloody Friday")	ICE shooting of Renee Good
Composition	Primarily Industrial Workers (Truckers)	Cross-class: Service, Education, Faith, Community
Tactic	Physical pickets, stopping truck movement	Economic Blackout, withholding consumption
Legal Context	Pre-NLRA (Wild West of labor law)	Post-Taft-Hartley (Highly regulated)

While the 1934 strike was an economic struggle against employers, the 2026 strike was a political struggle against the state itself.³⁷ This shifted the terrain of battle from the picket line to the broader arena of civil disobedience and public opinion. The 2026 organizers aimed to replicate the solidarity of 1934, if not the precise tactics, using the memory of "Bloody Friday" to steel the resolve of participants facing a militarized federal force.

9. Environmental Factors: The Deep Freeze

Adding a layer of physical danger to the political crisis was the extreme weather forecast for Friday, January 23. Meteorologists predicted a high temperature of -4°F with wind chills plummeting to -22°F or lower.³

This severe cold posed a logistical nightmare for the planned 2:00 p.m. rally in downtown Minneapolis. Exposure to such temperatures can cause frostbite in under 30 minutes, making prolonged outdoor demonstrations hazardous. Organizers scrambled to adapt, procuring thousands of hand warmers and advising participants on proper layering.³

However, the cold also offered a strategic advantage. Many school districts, including Minneapolis and St. Paul, were already considering canceling classes due to the dangerous wind chills.³⁸ A weather-related cancellation would effectively achieve the "No School" demand of the strike without requiring teachers or students to defy attendance policies, inadvertently boosting the strike's effectiveness.

10. Conclusion: The Stakes of January 23

As the sun set on January 22, the eve of the general strike, the stakes for Minnesota and the nation were incredibly high. The "Day of Truth and Freedom" was poised to be a litmus test for the second Trump administration's ability to impose its will on a defiant populace, and for the ability of a modern American community to organize effective resistance against federal power.

The events leading up to January 23 reveal a fractured nation. Whether the "economic blackout" would succeed in forcing an ICE withdrawal remains to be seen, but the planned mobilization itself has already cemented its place in the history of American civil resistance.

11. Appendix: Supplementary Data

11.1 List of Key Endorsing Unions and Organizations

• Labor: SEIU Local 26, Minneapolis Federation of Educators (MFE), St. Paul Federation of Educators (SPFE), UNITE HERE Local 17, CWA Local 7250, Amalgamated Transit Union (ATU) Local 1005, Minnesota Nurses Association (MNA), Graduate Labor Union (GLU-UE).

• Faith: ISAIAH, Muslim American Society of Minnesota, Faith in Minnesota, Lutheran Church of the Redeemer.

• Community: Minnesota Immigrant Rights Action Committee (MIRAC), Centro de Trabajadores Unidos en la Lucha (CTUL), OutFront Minnesota, Indivisible Twin Cities.

11.2 Timeline of Key Events (January 2026)

• Dec 2025: Operation Metro Surge begins; 3,000 agents deploy.

• Jan 7: Renee Good shot and killed by ICE Agent Jonathan Ross at 9:37 a.m.

• Jan 10: Mass protest of 10,000 people in South Minneapolis.

• Jan 13: Interfaith leaders announce the call for an "Economic Blackout."

• Jan 14: ICE agents deploy tear gas at Roosevelt High School; student walkouts ensue.

• Jan 20: DOJ subpoenas Governor Walz and Mayor Frey.

• Jan 20: "Free America Walkout" at the State Capitol.

• Jan 22: 8th Circuit Court of Appeals stays the injunction against ICE use of force.

• Jan 23: Planned "Day of Truth and Freedom" General Strike.

This report synthesizes information from over 180 distinct sources documenting the crisis in Minnesota.

Works cited

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